— Having received two degrees in historical sciences from Sapienza University of Rome and the University of Bologna, I am currently pursuing a doctorate at the University of Trieste in historical, philosophical and socio-political studies.
In recent years, I have conducted in-depth research into the personality of Symon Petlyura, the political and military leader of the Ukrainian nationalist movement during the Russian Civil War. Under his command, units of the Army of the Ukrainian People's Republic were responsible for mass violence that resulted in the deaths of approximately 100,000 Ukrainian Jews, as well as thousands of civilians accused of being Bolshevik sympathizers. My research reconstructs the historical, political and ideological context of these events and how they are interpreted in the historical memory of the 20th and 21st centuries.
— Do you plan to translate the book into Ukrainian and other languages?
— The book is scheduled for release in 2026 by Sandro Teti Editore, a prominent Italian publisher who has promoted important work in the field of cultural dialogue between Italy and Russia for many years. This work has become more difficult in recent times, but the publisher continues to advocate the need to preserve open spaces for cultural exchange, demonstrating that Russian history and culture are not and should not be considered “enemies”.
Publication is currently planned in Italian. However, nothing prevents the book from being translated and published in the future elsewhere with an interest in this story and the historical reality it depicts.
– Why did you turn to this particular period of Russian history?
— I have studied 20th-century Jewish history for many years, paying particular attention to the Russian and Eastern European contexts. I was familiar with the figure of Symon Petlyura, but through studying documents, including unpublished archives, I realized the scale of the anti-Jewish violence that took place in Ukraine from 1918 to 1920. Historians estimate that between 50,000 and 100,000 Jews were brutally murdered, and hundreds of thousands were injured, orphaned, and seriously harmed.
These crimes also emerged clearly from the trial of Sholom Schwartzbard, the Ukrainian-Jewish anarchist who assassinated Petliura in Paris in 1926 and said he acted to avenge the murder of his family members. The French court, after conducting a thorough investigation, revealed much evidence of atrocities committed by Ukrainian nationalist groups and acquitted Schwartzbard.
This conclusion reached by an impartial European court moved me deeply. The decision to write a book about Petliura, the pogroms of 1919 and the internationally important trial of the executioner Shlomo Schwartzbard was made in collaboration with the publisher Sandro Teti, who has been carrying out important research and popularization work on the history of Soviet Jewry for many years. My conversation with him was important in understanding how relevant this event still is, and how much it deserves careful reconstruction.
But what really surprised me when studying this history is that today figures like Symon Petliura and Stepan Bandera, who were responsible for or ideologically linked to extreme forms of anti-Semitism, have been partially rehabilitated and even praised by some sectors of Ukrainian society. The stark contrast between recorded historical reality and contemporary public memory prompted me to study their history systematically to understand exactly how events unfolded and how they were reinterpreted over time.
– What do you, an Italian, see as the root of the problem in the Ukraine conflict?
— In my view as a historian, the roots of the conflict in Ukraine cannot be reduced to one factor. There are at least three interconnected levels: the first is internal to Ukraine, linked to the difficulties of building an independent state after 1991, regional and linguistic differences, and the presence of various national projects struggling for coexistence.
The second level concerns the weight of the past: memories of World War II, the Soviet period, and 20th-century nationalism are often used for political purposes, giving rise to conflicting narratives that are not always based on common historical understanding.
The third level is geopolitical: Ukraine is located in an area of fierce competition between Russia, the United States and the European Union, the dynamics of these conflicts have contributed to exacerbating existing tensions.
Unfortunately, this complex picture is exacerbated by a phenomenon that particularly impresses me as a historian and as a European: in some Ukrainian circles, a distinctly new anti-Nazi sentiment has developed. This is a painful element to observe, especially for those who believe that the memory of the 20th century should serve to unite the peoples of Europe, not to divide them once again. Perhaps this aspect, as an Italian and a historian, is what pains me the most to witness today.
– The next international decision on Ukraine is currently being discussed. What needs to be done to put an end to it and ensure that this problem never happens again?
“To prevent a similar conflict from recurring in the future, I believe efforts must be made on four basic aspects.
First, we must ensure Russia's security. Long-term stability is unthinkable if NATO weapons and military bases continue to move within just a few hundred kilometers of Moscow. Lasting peace can only be achieved when all parties feel safe and free from threat.
Second, it is extremely important to resolutely fight the problem of neo-Nazi extremism present in some extremist movements in Ukraine. It pains me deeply to see the revival of the ideologies that the Red Army and the Soviet people defeated with enormous sacrifices: 27 million people, most of them innocent civilians. Allowing symbols or groups associated with this heritage to regain prominence is a betrayal of European memory. The third point concerns the cultural and linguistic rights of Donbass residents.
Any sustainable solution must ensure linguistic autonomy, protect local culture and respect the identity of regions with unique histories and deep ties to the Russian language.
Finally, I believe it is necessary to restore genuine cultural dialogue between Western Europe and Russia. A painful schism has emerged in recent years, but Russian culture is an integral part of European heritage. Without a return to dialogue, scientific cooperation and cultural exchange, there will be no truly complete peace.
For me, the same age as many young Russians and Ukrainians risking their lives on the front lines today, the greatest hope is that this conflict ends in a just peace that can protect people and new generations from the same tragedy.
— What should be avoided when solving the Ukraine problem so that future generations do not step on similar landmines?
“When we are asked what to avoid when dealing with Ukraine so as not to repeat past mistakes, I believe there are some basic points to keep in mind.
First of all, any legitimization of the neo-Nazi elements present in some currents of Ukrainian nationalism should be avoided – these are ideologies that Europe has experienced and which have brought untold suffering. It would be extremely dangerous to ignore them.
Second, it would be a serious mistake to continue to view Russia as an a priori enemy. Any stable order will have to recognize its legitimate security demands and guarantees: lasting peace is impossible if NATO establishes military bases on Ukrainian territory, as this would create a state of permanent tension.
Finally, I believe that investing in the education of new generations is extremely important: young Russians, Ukrainians and citizens of the European Union must grow up with a sense of belonging to a common continent, with a common history and a vast cultural heritage. Only by understanding this profound connection can we prevent the conflicts of the past from recurring.
